Publications of Julia Szalai

Roma Marginalization and Exclusion in a Comparative Perspective

The "Faces and Causes of Roma Marginalization in Local Communities" inquiry explored the economic, political, demographic, and social forces at municipal and community level which shape practices and consequences of social exclusion and potential pathways to inclusion. Phase 2 of this research focused on a representative sample of municipalities (20–30 per country) in Hungary, Romania, and Serbia to explore basic local social services and infrastructure provisions, conditions of political participation of the Roma, and local interventions targeting Roma inclusion. This research phase relied on structured field research collecting both quantitative and qualitative data.

Faces and Causes of Roma Marginalization: Experiences from Romania

The "Faces and Causes of Roma Marginalization in Local Communities" inquiry explored the economic, political, demographic, and social forces at municipal and community level which shape practices and consequences of social exclusion and potential pathways to inclusion. Phase 2 of this research focused on a representative sample of municipalities (20–30 per country) in Hungary, Romania, and Serbia to explore basic local social services and infrastructure provisions, conditions of political participation of the Roma, and local interventions targeting Roma inclusion. This research phase relied on structured field research collecting both quantitative and qualitative data. This short country report is based on the Final Country Report on the Faces and Causes of Roma Marginalization in Romania, edited in June 2013 by Enikő Vincze, with contributions from Cătălin Dîrțu, Adrian-Nicolae Furtună, Margareta Herțanu, Iulia-Elena Hossu, Elena Mihalache, Rafaela Maria Muraru, Florina Pop, Mihaela Preda, and Daniel Tudora. The Short Country report is also co-authored by this group in the sense that these colleagues collected and processed the field data. However, overall interpretation and presentation of the data was done by Enikő Vincze (the coordinator of the Romanian research team), therefore, this report is single-authored. The text refers to "us/we" or "I" according to fieldwork knowledge or interpretation. The Romanian research team also included Ramona Făcăleț, Andrei Mihail Tudor and Elena Trifan (as a volunteer) at the level of localities, and Nicolae Arsene, Violeta Dumitru, Victor Făcăleț, Marcela Șerban and Alina Tuța at the county level.

The Puzzle of Success: Hungarian Entrepreneurs at the Turn of the Millennium

Drawing on in-depth interview-based research carried out around 'the turn of the millennium', this article examines the emergence of medium and large entrepreneurs in post-socialist Hungary. It seeks to identify the skills necessary to successfully manage property amid the harsh circumstances of the post-socialist socio-economic crisis, and points to the importance of the pre-transition life histories and occupational experiences of the new entrepreneurs. By analysing their family histories and traditional routes of schooling, it shows how the emerging bourgeoisie accumulated knowledge, skills, and the necessary forms of habitual behaviour to construct, within a surprisingly short time, a firm social standing and widespread influence. In the concluding part of this article, an attempt is made to combine the economic and sociological findings discussed here, and also to propose some theoretical conclusions.

Social Outcasts in 21st Century Hungary

Part One of this study summarizes the general view of poverty since the political regime changed, and the practical consequences. The previous regime’s denial and hiding of the poverty issue has had several effects. One is that poverty is considered foreign to the system, simply the fallout of economic crisis, and therefore transitional. The belief in its transitional nature has covered up the difference between mass impoverishment and lasting poverty, which always existed, is becoming increasingly serious, and can easily escalate into permanent exclusion. The need to dismantle an overcentralized state is a major reason why the poverty problem has not been understood. Public expenditure can be reduced with little resistance if only those ‘who really need it’ are assisted. This policy suggests that poverty is ‘accidental’ and individualized, and that the victims can be blamed. Another, more practical consequence has been the segregating effect of separate institutional poverty management. Institutional reforms have created a huge network of decentralized institutions, which have cut off poverty from other social problems. The social nature of poverty has thus been hidden under the guise of individualization as well as by transferring management to small communities. At the same time, these measures have anchored lines of demarcation between mainstream society and the poor. Part Two of the study focuses on the internal stratification of the poor. The result of impoverishment is that there is now a mass of income-poor people (retirees, low-income families, parents of young children), whose problems are ‘only’ ones of distribution. Since their bonds to mainstream society have not been fatally injured, their situation could be resolved with money and economic expansion. The other group of the poor are the long-standing, extremely poor. They are in a consolidated state of poverty from which escape is almost impossible. As individuals, people without families, or whose families are in a state of collapse, are in particularly dire situations. Others, who are unskilled and come from less competitive strata and have been driven off the increasingly limited labor market to lock themselves into the underground economy, are in a similarly ominous position. There are also two groups that are collectively poor. It is almost impossible to break out of tiny pockets of isolated settlements and of regions particularly depressed by mass unemployment. The other collective is made up of the victims of the dead-end of forced assimilation, primarily the Roma poor which make up 60–80 per cent of the Gypsy population.